Signs of a pysop: wrestling in Clapham, and the duffing up of Wayne Couzens

In the introduction to this series, there was reference to a murder investigation that had had little to no exposure in corporate-media. Bennylyn Burke, and her two children, had disappeared in February of this year. One child had since been found, but the other, along with Bennylyn herself, was feared to be dead.

A man was arrested in the first week of March on suspicion of the murder, and has been charged, and has made his first appearance in a court. Unsurprisingly, his life story hasn’t been picked over in corporate-media, with unnamed people from inside the police investigation briefing journalists on the operation to catch him, or how he was thought to have committed the crime, or why was thought to do it. None of this happened in the case of Andrew Innes, about whom very little is publicly known – all as it should be. And the good reason why Innes is practically anonymous to people who don’t live in the same town as he does is because the Bennylyn Burke murder is all too evidently one of those matter of fact, albeit saddening (for people close to victim and perpetrator alike), events that occur from time to time. Moreover, it is an event which will see a legal process that is supposed to mete out justice rather than revenge, and supposed to deal with the one issue of the murder – not to act as a jumpstart for a political bandwagon. At stake are the rights of the suspect that cannot be violated, or else the situation arises whereby the case against him is forfeit.

On the contrary, a blind man could see that Wayne Couzens, the man accused of abducting and murdering Sarah Everard, has been abused. All the things listed above that didn’t happen to Andrew Innes happened to him. The result is an irresistible suggestion of his guilt, and it is not by carelessness that it is brought about. Instead, it is the consequence of standard modus operandi for the arms of UK Government  that shape public perception, on behalf of UK Government that is desirous of a particular outcome that obviously requires conviction of this individual, at this time, in the court of public opinion. And to be clear, dear reader, we are not discussing the matter of Couzen’s real guilt or his real innocence, but instead we are discussing the way that UK Government would want to promote the perception of his guilt. Anyone who says that there are no grounds for this accusation is not reading this properly: a blind man could see it. That means it is self-evidential, on top of many cases of precedent from which there comes an ability to recognise crisis exploited for agenda.

Emerging out of this Sarah Everard case is a protest movement all too alike the Black Lives Matter one of 2020, which will again be intended by those dead and hidden hands wielding it to create artificial division, and to create apparent pressure to form a will in the prima facie  law making capacity of the State to engineer society. This intent will look like it is about justice for a supposed under-privileged or under-protected sections of the population, but in reality it will only be about sustaining and promoting the power of the hegemony.

Quite seriously, not a one person in Birmingham, Berwick, Bolton or Belfast should care about what goes on on Clapham Common in London, but on the morning of 14th March, in an event which was a reaction to the alleged killing of a woman by a Metropolitan Police officer, there was a national row about the very ironic phenomenon of male Metropolitan Police officers being heavy handed in their treatment of women who, on the surface, were concerned about other women’s safety from being attacked by men on the street. An instant iconic image was created when someone, with camera, was serendipitously placed to take the perfect picture of one Patsy Stevenson being arrested (in fact, she was apprehended, but released, it seems). Stevenson would later become the voice of the movement that was emerging before everyone’s eyes when she made at least one appearance on corporate-media, and she would call for a “rally the troops” protest march on Westminster for the 15th March. Stevenson appears to be an actor, with a profile at Casting Now, with the following talents and features:  “unique look, can do improvisation, natural ginger hair and brown eyes, can play young roles.” This Patsy, who looks from the profile picture to be the same rallying the troops to Parliament, can do both an Essex and Manchester accent, so potentially would have been available for crisis acting in the north too.

And so, although this theatre is so eminently transparent, it is of no consequence when an all powerful corporate-media can assert the reality to which legislature reacts (as fully explained in the FBEL article, Ending Government-By-Hoax By Killing Its Perception Shaping Capability Is Eminently Possible, Continuing Death Of BBC Demonstrates).

The murder of Sarah Everard by a man is the problem. A protest movement that facilitates a demonstration of the inherent patriarchal nature of the State’s monopoly of force (of which Couzens is an archetype in microcosm) is the reaction. The solution, whatever it specifically is to be, has already been planned, and will work on the correlation thus far created between men and abuse of power.

And so, it is clear, having Wayne Couzens appear to be guilty of the murder of Sarah Everard  – and not merely charged with it, although this aids the appearance of guilt – is a factor at this time in this Hegelian development. As for the fact that prejudice against Couzens is not accidental, there is evidence that there is a will to create bias.  There now follows a number of demonstrations.

A commenter on a corporate-media web site expressed an idea that Couzens was a serial killer because of how police had searched secret tunnels under property belonging to the suspect’s family. This notion might have come from corporate-media reporting such as the following, which is from The Sun:

Cops are now searching a network of tunnels under the derelict family garage of the Met officer.

If one gains an impression that Couzens has a dungeon as befits a mass murderer of the Hollywood type, then it is clearly safe to say that such reporting encourages it. In actuality, it was an underground military facility, apparently mothballed, in the cliffs of Dover and that happen to run under Couzens’ family’s property, that was being searched. It beggars belief that a private family would have access to what is presumably Ministry of Defence property, and so one must be suspicious that the very act of searching by police was an invite for the intentional misrepresentation of the sort published by The Sun.

This could be an example, in fact, of how corporate-media cannot demonise a man on its own. Most infamously, because lots of outlets reported it, there was briefing from inside the police investigation into Couzens  regarding how he was thought to have used his warrant card to instil a false sense of security in Everard: here is an example, again from The Sun:

A source said last night: “The working hypothesis is that he saw Sarah on the street for the first time and kidnapped her.

“At this stage it is thought the officer used his warrant card to entice Sarah towards his car.

“One theory is that he may have used the Covid lockdown as a pretext to engage with her and then snatched her.”

Any right-minded person must be able to see that as soon as corporate-media is discussing such a detail, then it has forgotten the overriding need for presumption of innocence. In other words, it becomes no longer a matter of whether or not an individual committed a crime, but a matter of how he was guilty.

The Daily Mail also conveyed briefing from an inside source that would attempt to create a thorough impression of guilt. Firstly, there was a detailed account of how the Metropolitan Police would have apprehend Couzens, which is appended to this article in its entirety. The idea behind it appears to be to create the notion that police have acted so meticulously that they will have gathered sufficient evidence to book Couzens and for the Crown Prosecution Service to bring him to trial. In truth, we might well find, a case against Couzens hangs from a thread, and that a conviction will rely on an admission of guilt (which is not to say that one should be forthcoming).

Secondly, on top of having the public understand how Couzens committed the crime, there is insider source testimony to explain why he was motivated to do it, as the reader should clearly see from the following extract (from the same source linked to above):

Sources said the officer had been behaving erratically and had spent a considerable period of time off sick for an unknown issue.

Of course, the apparent fact – at least according to the Metropolitan Police’s version of events – of two head injuries sustained by Couzens while he was alone in his cell only serves to compliment a picture of bizarre and unglued behaviour.

And then, of course, creating further cause to think that there is something not right with Couzens’ state of mind and his attitude to women, the Metropolitan Police chose a fine time to report itself to the Independent Office for Police Conduct for failing to handle a complaint against him for indecently exposing himself to women in a fast food restaurant. This incident is alleged to have happened a matter of days before Everard’s disappearance, so it took on the significance of being a missed opportunity to apprehend Couzen before he would commit the major offence. This, of course, employs the device of pre-crime assertion of guilt, and one has to wonder if there is any truth to the allegation – for, there are two ways to look at it: i) the Metropolitan Police turned a blind eye or was slow to act, or ii) it never happened.  We are supposed to believe that there was no instant loss of confidence, within the ranks of the super politically sensitive Metropolitan Police, in a police officer who would be armed while on duty, and who was with Parliamentary and Diplomatic Protection Command, after a report was filed against him for exposing himself to women in a public place?

On the other hand, when one has a knowledge of the history of the conviction of suspects against whom the Establishment wants bias – let’s put it that way – the emergence of data for the purpose of ruining character is pretty much textbook methodology. It is for the purpose of creating public belief that an individual would be capable of carrying out a crime.

But to cap it all, there couldn’t be a more substantial way of insinuating Couzens’ guilt than having Cressida Dick, the Metropolitan Police commissioner, make the following statement, even before the man was charged with a crime:

The news today that it was a Metropolitan Police officer arrested on suspicion of Sarah’s murder has sent waves of shock and anger through the public and through the whole of the Met.

I speak on behalf of all my colleagues in the Met when I say we are utterly appalled at this dreadful news. Our job is to patrol the streets and to protect people.

There should be no shock and anger about any man being a suspect in a crime, not from any police officer for whom criminals are an aspect of the profession, and the reason for this is that being a suspect does not automatically make one the perpetrator. Dick is talking in terms of reaction to full knowledge of guilt, especially in the part about being utterly appalled at the dreadful news. But the full impact of that phrase doesn’t strike fully home without the sentence that follows: what she is effectively saying is “our job is to patrol the streets and to protect people, not to bundle them into our cars and kill them”.  This is the complaint at the betrayal of trust, mentioned in the introduction to this series, that so completely condemns Couzens.

So, there clearly has been intent to cause prejudice against the man charged for the murder of Sarah Everard. It is self-evidential.

As for the precedent to recognise crisis exploited for agenda, the reader should peruse this site, starting in the State Crimes and World War categories, but also see the article, The Coronahoax Is Bread And Butter For The British Krypteia, and the article, No Surprises As “Tommy Robinson” Turns Up At The Old Bailey – And A Motorway Service Station, for example, as a starting point (if the reader is brand new)†.

And again, please do seek out and look at the reportage on the suspect in the Bennylyn Burke case to observe what media coverage of a real murder investigation should look like.

† Another for starters is 30 Years For Naa’imur Zakariyah Rahman: The Disadvantages Of Being Initiated Into ISIS By The FBI And MI5

How detectives ‘tracked their own officer after breakthrough from CCTV on a passing London bus’ 

The Met moved in after a car linked to Wayne Couzens – thought to be a hire vehicle – was reportedly picked up on a motorist’s dashcam near to the spot where Sarah disappeared last Wednesday.

CCTV footage from buses is also said to have provided key evidence.

The well-placed source said: ‘M.I.B Met Intelligence Bureau and the intelligence unit within the Specialist Crime Directorate SCD will have conducted all fast-time intelligence enquiries in relation to the Sarah Everard investigation.

‘Once the suspect’s vehicle was identified by CCTV and its registration was confirmed this information would have immediately been researched by using the Police National Computer PNC and Automatic Number Plate Recognition ANPR.

‘The PNC would have shown the vehicle was either registered to the suspect or he was shown as being insured on it. If, as is believed, he used a hire car, officers would have got his information from the car company and used ANPR as normal.

‘ANPR would have shown where this vehicle had travelled around all relevant times of the enquiry.

‘The suspect would then immediately have been ‘flagged’ to the murder squad detectives, meaning no other unit in the MPS or nationally could conduct any activity against him without speaking to the murder squad.

‘The suspect’s vehicle would have been placed on a covert ANPR system that would provide the Police with real time notifications of where the vehicle was travelling when it passed through ANPR sites.

‘However due to the nature of the offence the police would have needed to immediately ensure that the suspect could not go on to commit any further offences in the hours before any arrest was made of him and whilst other intelligence research was being conducted.’

The source said that a Detective Superintendent would have authorised directed surveillance activity under the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act (RIIPA) to be conducted against Couzens.

He continued: ‘It is likely that police surveillance teams from the Met and also Kent Police were then briefed and immediately deployed against the suspect, including his house, place of work and his vehicles, placing him under surveillance in the very few hours before he was arrested and whilst he drove to work and carried out his duties as the intelligence and evidential picture was developing fast time.

‘Senior Commanders in the DPG would have been called in to see Cressida Dick to have the situation explained to them and the sensitivity of what was taking place.

‘The suspect’s lockers and email accounts at work would have been searched covertly to see if there was any evidence immediately available to assist the enquiry.

‘It is possible the police utilised – or at least had the option open to them – of technical surveillance in the location of the suspects home address, such as the placing of covert recording equipment in street furniture like lamp posts.

‘It is likely also that urgent authority from a Deputy Assistant Commissioner from the Met was obtained that gave the Police the power to place a tracking device/s on any vehicle the suspect had access to including that of his wife.

‘Mobile telephone intelligence would also have been completed allowing the police to pinpoint where the suspect had been by using cell-site analysis but also by getting the mobile phone network to provide a ‘threat to life’ response to the Police, essentially tracking the suspect in real-time.’